CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
Consequently, social media has been adopted as tools for political participation. In this vein, Digital technology has made it possible for global social media use within the realm of politics (Valenzuela, 2013), education, business and international relations (Olabamiji, 2014). In the past, demographics and psychological factors determined political participation and voting behaviour, however today, evidence suggests that Information and Communication Technology (ICT) plays an equally important role. ). This social media and social networking sites have brought about a marked change in the way young voters learn and follow things about politics (Hermida 2017: 76). It is possible to read this change as a specific reflection of the general digital transformation process in the field of politics and political communication.
Democracy has been and is widely acknowledge as the best form of government in most parts of the world. Elections, which represents the most modern and universally accepted process through which individuals are chosen to represent a body or community in a large entity or government is one of the cardinal features of democracy (Nnadozie, 2014). This is so because in a democratic setting, the authority of the government is derived from the consent of the governed. This perhaps is why democracy is commonly referred to as “the government of the people, by the people and for the people”. Usually, a democratic election would characteristically be competitive, periodic, inclusive, definitive and free and fair (Chukwu, 2011). Nigeria’s democracy may be considered nascent when compared to the older democracies of the western world. Be it as it may, the 2015 general elections has gone down in the history of the country in the last few years of uninterrupted civilian rule in the nation followed by the 2019 just concluded election.
The advent of internet and technology has exposed majority of the global population to different interactive platforms on which different kinds of information is exchanged which might significantly have effect on human as well as voters behaviour, decision and judgment (CES, 2012). Social media are new information network and information technology using a form of communication utilizing interactive and user-produced content, and interpersonal relationships are created and maintained. The emergence of the Internet as the new mass medium of the 21st century now changes the mass media substantially. Information can be distributed at high speed, low cost, and broad scope and as a result, there is egalitarian access to the production and the consumption of news (Prat and Stromberg, 2011)
Nigeria is currently ranked as the seventh most populous country in the world and the fastest growing nation. Nigeria’s population is currently put at 200, 950,000 with a median age of 17.9 years (worldometers.info, 2019).The adoption of social media in the country especially the Facebook by politicians began in the 2011 general elections as the facebook was viewed as a platform for political participation by politicians, political parties and the electorates (Udejinta 2011). The importance attached to social media gained more recognition in the 2015 general election where the former president Goodluck Jonathan better explained his decision to declare his intention to run for the highest political office in the land on Facebook.
Apart from the presidential candidates, many governorship aspirants, senatorial and house of assembly seat contenders, local government chairman and councilors contestant from various states of the federation also embarked on aggressive use of social media platforms especially the Facebook to disseminate their political messages, woo electorates and support groups towards the actualization of their goals. Hence social media became powerful enough to influence voter decisions and choices as many voters who had fixed their minds and conscience on voting a particular party or candidate began to change their minds based on certain information or idea they got online about the party or candidate. Information gotten by a particular voter was also not static, as the same voter would use several internet tools and buttons to broadcast same message to other voters like him through medium such as blogs, Facebook, chat rooms etc. in order to influence them.
Before the advent of the social media (New Media), the older or conventional media like radio, television, newspapers and magazines, ruled the world, and had directly or indirectly blocked popular participation in the electoral process. This is because there has always been scarcity of space and airtime given by the conventional media to the citizens to have their say in politics, governance and in the electoral process. Conventional media critics such as Graber, (1976); Fallows (1996); Blumler and Gurevitch, (1995) cited in Abubakar (2011) thus believe that voters were never left with paid political propaganda containing only meaningless slogans, making them disinterested and cynical about politics. They argue that there is absence of serious debate on the conventional media that could make the people to learn the substance of issues and policies proposals as well as related arguments, and that this disallows citizens from participating actively in political discourse.
Moreover, social media are interactive web based media. They belong to the new genre of media that focus on social networking, allowing users to express themselves, interact with friends, share personal information, as well as publish their own views on the internet. The ubiquitous access of these online devices no doubt, has democratizing effects as they offer citizens opportunities for more engagement in the political process. This means that voters have become more than just passive consumers of digital messages; they are now creators of the messages.
Writing on this development, Kuhus (2011) cited in Adibe, Odoemelam and Chibuwe (2012: 13) observes that:
The value of the communication experience has undergone a sea-change;From the need to share it, to the need to share in it. Technology and social media in particular have brought power back to the people; with such technologies, established authorities are now undermined and users are now the experts.
This implies that people can now consume media as wanted and needed rather than allowing media producers to schedule consumption time and content. A person can now communicate to anywhere from any place at any time. Again, using social media is less expensive than the outrageous political advertisements on the older media. The new media is flexible, accessible and affordable. They promote democratization of media, alter the meaning of geographic distance, and allow for increase in the volume and speed of communication. They are portable due to the mobile nature; they are interactive and open to all.
Voting behaviour on the other hand is a form of political behaviour exhibited by electorates which can be influenced by a lot of factors ranging from emotional, ethnicity, and religion leading them to make certain decisions. Various factors such as gender, race, culture or religion go a long way in affecting the way a voter behaves and the decision he makes as regards selection of a candidate of his choice. However, key external factors may also influence a voter’s behaviour such as political socialization, socio-cultural views, tolerance of diverse political views, the media and internet inclusive. The effect of these influences on voting behaviour is dependent on attitudes, beliefs, knowledge and the source of available information to the voter.
The social media has become a powerful medium which may affect voting behaviour because of its potential to provide direct and cheap access to the production and consumption of current information at any part of the world without editorial filtering (Sunstein, 2001). Not only do social media provide information about political affiliations, candidates and their party manifestoes, it also provides a platform through which voters across cultural divides can relate and interact with themselves on issues about these candidates.
The use of social media for political discourse in Nigeria was evidently experimented in the 2019 general elections. While some people acknowledge that it worked, others criticized it. The platform gave voice to many Nigerian politicians and electorates alike to make their voice heard in the electoral process. Regardless of the claimed successes, many lapses were observed and many lessons abound for future elections in the country. These and other related issues constitute the focus of this research work.
1.2 Statement of the problem
The use of social media as a formidable force for social engineering and political electioneering has continued to grow. The technology is participatory, interactive and cost effective. This has made it the medium of the moment as far as political communication and participation are concerned. Nigeria had her first media use for political participation during the 2011 general elections and also in the 2015 and then, 2019 general elections. Many positive results were recorded which will continue to prompt the use of social media as a platform for political discourse, participation etc. Moreover, sources of information available to a voter vary widely however, with the advent of online social media forum; most voters can access information, debate on the information and also give feedback on his own views, opinions and expectations from the party and candidate.
Data retrieved from the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) shows that over a hundred million people currently pay for mobile internet subscriptions in the country. This means that there is a significant number of Nigerians who can access mobile internet daily and spur conversations around social issues faster and moreover, although the social media has helped in increasing the popularity of candidates and their parties, it has the capacity to make or mar their chances on voter’s perception of the party or candidates. Rumours, falsehood, propaganda and derogatory information including stereotype about individual candidates or parties are common place online and spread faster than anticipated, often with disastrous outcomes. This is largely attributed to the lack of editorial filtering, and the anonymity of most online users. The internet encourages anonymity of its users, which means that those who write and comment often use nicknames or aliases and can circulate the wrong information without been identified. Hence, anonymity provides an excellent opportunity for writing false stories or spreading rumours about candidates and their parties and this often leads to rancour fear and anxiety about the opposition party.
However, this has a huge influence on voting behaviour, as most voters who read stories online have a tendency to believe such stories without cross checking facts and take decisions after all based on this propaganda. This is a widely known fact among political parties and they use it to their advantage in bringing down their opponents. Previous research has found that it is possible to influence person’s attitudes toward a political candidate using carefully crafted information about such candidate online, which in turn may influence the voter’s behaviour towards the candidate. Social media can also be used by various parties to propagate false news and propaganda about the opposition in order to disfavour such party or candidate in the eyes of the electorates while exonerating theirs. This huge influence on voting behaviour has made many voters make decisions based on such news they read online.
Moreover, social media has made voters privy to any kind of information about politicians and their lives as there are no longer any isolated places or hiding holes. The private and public lives of society’s most influential figures including politicians have been made public online. This is because in today’s world, once a politician declares for a post, his entire life including his educational background, his family, his job and any past mistakes or excesses are made public on social media platforms for people to comment, discuss and publicly judge. Many politicians have been found in compromising positions with their words or phrase taken out of context and magnified to huge proportions by opposition parties in order to discredit them.
Occasionally, people go to the extent of recording private conversations or actions of these candidates and make the recorded audio or video public on various social media platforms such as Youtube quickly, with a view to elicit response and vicious backlash from voters and other online users. The belief is that it will go a long way in influencing voter’s behaviour and turning such voter against the candidate since the voter can now judgmentally make decisions about the candidate based on what he said, did or other information about him or her. Even though, such information are refuted sometimes by the concerned party or individual, it remains valid in the minds of many voters who may have made up their mind already or simply are not aware of the true situation.
Clearly, the 2019 elections were followed with great expectations because of the improvements recorded in the previous general elections following the use of Social media in 2015. The 2015 elections generated positive perception of the electoral process for a number of reasons. For the first time in Nigeria’s electoral history, a winner emerged from the opposition party, and there was a successful alternation of power. The 2015 elections saw remarkable improvements in the incorporation of technology into the electoral process, which contributed to strengthening the integrity of the elections. Since 1999, after democratic transition, there was also a decline in election petitions that had become a common phenomenon after the announcement of election results. It was, therefore, not a surprise that international and local observers gave some positive assessments of the 2015 elections.
Furthermore the 2019 presidential elections witnessed another dimension, involving the two major contenders of the popular parties. The contenders; President Muhammadu Buhari of the APC and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar of the PDP emerged both from the North and both of them are from the Hausa/Fulani ethnic group and are also Muslims by religion. However, this was a tactics and strategy employed by the opposition party to take back and retain the seat of power by dividing the northern votes, but was met with a waterloo as the voting pattern indicates a surprising result where the Hausa/Fulani Muslims voted massively for President Muhammadu Buhari while the Northern Christians and the Southsouth and Southeast voted for Atiku with the votes split between the two in the Southwest. It was on this premises that the result of the outcome of the election was greatly influenced by various social media platforms as despite the fact that the two major contenders are Muslims, a new scenario emerged in which the APC candidate was identified by religious clerics and other manipulators of religion as pure and moral while the PDP candidate was identified as corrupt and amoral. Furthermore, the main issue hinged on the allegations that the PDP candidate was corrupt and this allegation was supported by the elite class in the country while the APC candidate was portrayed as incorruptible despite the tactics overlooked of corrupt practices by his closest officials in his last four years in office.
All these characterised the 2019 general elections in Nigeria as it culminated in the violence and tensions witnessed before, during and after the elections in many parts of the country, with some states ordering non-indigenes to leave. This implies that the development of social media if not properly curtail and contained in future elections, it will hamper the democratic process of the country as voting pattern would be influenced by ones view on what was seen in the social media and will result to related violence, blood baths, unwanted destruction of property and creation of unnecessary tensions and panics not only in the country, but in the West African sub-region and the entire African continent.
1.3 Research Questions
The following questions are raised for this research
1. What role did social media play in the political participation of Nigerians during the 2019 general election?
2. To what extent has social media influenced electoral malpractice in Nigeria’s 2019 general election
3. What lapses were observed in the use of social media in stipulating political participation in Nigeria during the 2019 general election?
4. Does derogatory and false information passed through the use of social media affect voting behaviour in Nigeria?
1.4 Objectives of the Study
The study has the following specific objectives
1. To determine the role social media played in the political participation of Nigerians during the 2019 general election.
2. To examine the extent social media has influenced electoral malpractice in Nigeria’s 2019 general election.
3. To discover the lapses in the use of social media for political participation in Nigeria during the 2019 general election.
4. To investigate how derogatory and false information passed through the use of social media has affected voting behaviour in Nigeria.
1.5 Research Hypotheses
The following hypotheses are formulated for this study;
1. There is a significant relationship between social media and political participation in Nigeria during the 2019 general election
2. There is a significant relationship between the use of social media and electoral malpractice in Nigeria’s 2019 general election
3. The higher the use of Social media, the increase in political participation in the 2019 general election of Nigeria
4. Derogatory and false information passed through the use of social media has impact on voting behaviour in Nigeria
1.6 Significance of the Study
The significance of the study is as follows:
The study shall seek to advance the knowledge of scholars and others on social media and voting behaviour in Nigeria.
Empirically this study will bring to bear the challenges faced by Nigeria towards attaining democratic sustainability.
Theoretically, this study will contribute immensely on the academic community as a further input to the increasing volumes of literature in the area of social media and voting behaviour as well as the rich library of political science and public administration.
1.7 Scope of the Study
The study is concerned with the role of social media in stimulating voting behaviour in Nigeria. The researcher restricted the scope of the study to 2019 general elections. The study makes use of the variables; Social Media which is the independent variable to ascertain and draw conclusion on determining to what extent it has influence voting behaviour in Nigeria.
1.8 Limitation of the Study
The study is constrained by inaccessibility of some vital materials and limited to 2019 general elections. The researcher on her part is faced with inadequate funding and time as well as was a major constraint.
1.9 Definition of Terms
The definition of terms in this research has to do with operational definitions:
Mass Media: This refers to the general means of dissemination of information, be it print or electronic media. These include Newspapers, magazines, radio, television, internet, etc.
Social Media:These are new information network and information technology using a form of interactive communication skills, where users have unrestricted access to information, content of information and interaction in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of human endeavour.
Voter:This is a person who has attained the voting age and has the right to vote for a candidate in an election.
Voting Behaviour: This has to do with the patterns of behaviour and reactions exhibited by citizens’ during elections which mainly affects or intends to affect the electioneering process.
Political Participation: This entails the citizens’ involvement in the acts, events or activities that influences the actions and inactions of government including the selection of their representatives. It is also regarded as the citizens’ influence on the political process.
Election: A periodic formal process characterised in a democratic setting involving the selection of persons or candidates suitable for public offices or rejecting political propositions by voting.
Internet: This is an interconnected group of computer networks allowing for electronic communication, sending and receiving messages as well as posts among netizens.
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Conceptual Clarification
Social Media:
When we talk of social media, we mean those Internet-based tools and services that allow users to engage with each other, generate content, distribute and search information online. In other words, the social media are interactive web-based media platforms that offer citizens opportunity and place to connect, share opinions, experiences, views, contacts, knowledge, expertise, as well as other things like job and career tips. They belong to a new genre of media that focuses on social networking allowing users to express themselves, interact with friends and share information with greater freedom as well as publish their views on issues on the World Wide Web (www). Chatora, A (2012), observes that it is this interactive or collaborative nature of these tools that makes them social.
With the rise of digital and mobile technologies, interaction on a large scale became easier for individuals than ever before; and as such, a new media age was born where interactivity was placed at the centre of new media functions. One individual could now speak to many, and instant feedback was a possibility. Where citizens and consumers used to have limited and somewhat muted voices but now they could share their opinions with many. The low cost and accessibility of new technology also allowed more options for media consumption than ever before, and so instead of only a few news outlets, individuals now have the ability to seek information from several sources and to dialogue with others via message forums about the information posted (Manning, 2014).
Mayfield (2008) describes these media as “online platforms that promote participation, openness, conversation and connectedness”. Nation (2010) sees them as “social instruments of communication which are different from the conventional instruments like newspapers or magazines. They are online content, created by people using highly accessible and scalable publishing technologies to disseminate information across geographical boundaries, providing interaction among people (Adibe, Odoemelam and Orji 2012). They support democratization of knowledge and information, thereby making the people both information producers and consumers.
Another attribute of the social media which distinguishes it from the traditional media is the choice it accords its users. Choice enables people to access the information they like to learn about through the social media, eliminating the gatekeeper role of traditional media. On one hand, the choice offered by social media reduces the shared experience that viewers of particular traditional media channels usually have; on the other hand, it creates a network of individuals with like interests and similar preferences.
Social media emerged with the advent of the internet and the World Wide Web. They are usually associated with the term “web 2.0” which is used to describe websites that provide opportunity for a user to interact with the sender of a message. Nwabueze (2012) observes that “web 2.0” refers to the state of the web from 2004 till date; a period when interactive websites emerged as opposed to “web 1.0” which describes the state of the web prior to 2004. Web-based communities, social networking sites video-sharing sites, Wikis, and blogs, are among examples of web 2.0 sites (Allen, Ekwugha & Chukwulete 2011).
Political Participation:
In a simple approach, political participation is citizens’ involvement in the acts, events or activities that influences the selection of and the actions taken by political representatives. It refers to the various mechanisms through which the public express their political views and exercises their influence on the political process (Chatora 2012). Abubakar (2011) sees it as the involvement of people, (not necessarily active) in any political process before a collective decision is arrived. In other words, political participation entails citizens’ engagement in the discourse of socio-political and economic issues which serve as yard sticks for choosing would be leaders. It may also include assessing the capabilities of the incumbencies and advocating ways of ameliorating societal ills for a more prosperous country.
According to Akamare (2003, as cited in Falade, 2014), political participation is an aspect of political behaviour and it focuses on the way in which individuals take part in politics. It is a voluntary activity and one may participate directly or indirectly. The various ways by which the people can be involved in the political system include selection or election of political leaders, formulation of policies, community activities and other civic engagements. Empirical investigation of political participation could be split between two basic yet mutually interlinked approaches. The first approach deals with the realistic extant level of 23 popular engagements in the processes of governance. The chief objects of interest are the level (local, regional, national etc.) and method (voting, campaigning, contacting, protesting etc.) of political participation. In this context, the influence of various manners of political participation and the motivation to either reject participation or indeed become an active part of it are studied. Individual and national patterns of political behaviour are also compared. Cross-national comparison of political participation patterns concentrate largely on voting because of the availability of internationally comparable data on voter turnout and the relevance of national elections for the given political system. As evidenced by such international comparisons, voter turnout shall be influenced largely by a number of institutional factors (e.g. voter registration systems, electoral procedures, degree of political competition in the society and the party system) which, taken together, create an institutional environment of the given country’s political system (Nekola, 2014).
Before the advent of the new media, political campaigns and other electioneering activities blossomed in the traditional media. Olajide (2002) cited in Owukwe (2011) notes that prior to this period; political rallies, personal contacts and speeches were popularly used for mobilizing electorates’ support on political issues, and that this was greatly propelled by the mass media force. At that time, political participation was more risky, expensive and required a great deal of investment from individuals willing to engage in political activities. The process was quite demanding as far as time, money, knowledge and information are concerned. The endemic poverty in Nigeria prevented citizens from attending political meetings and sometimes, from travelling to exercise their voting rights. According to chatora (2011), a World Bank report of 2005 has it that 50.9% of the population in Sub-Saharan Africa lives on less than $1.25 a day. Therefore, the essence of political participation in any society, either civilized or primitive is to seek control of power, acquisition of power and to influence decision making.
2.2 Social Media and Its impacts on Politics
The arrival of social media has greatly enhanced all aspects of human communication. The new technology due to the participatory, interactive and cost effective nature has barely made everyone who can use it as a mass communicator. This brings to fruition the prediction of Marshal McLuhan in 1964 that the world would someday become a “global village” where what happens in one part of the world would be known instantly and simultaneously worldwide.
Today, one can stay right in his bedroom and access information, entertainment, events and enjoy full interaction with the world just by pressing a button. Writing on this development, Adibe and Odoemelam (2010) observe that the new media of communication have in no small measure helped human society to be aware of each other. This agrees with the submissions of Baran (1998) that:
……as the media shrink the world, people will
become increasingly involved in one another ‘s lives,
and as people come to know more about others who
were hitherto separated from them by distance, they
will form new beneficial relationships.
Baran’s argument is relevant to this discourse as it draws attention to what social media is doing in the area of human communication today, especially as it concerns the fostering of relations and interaction among people.
In many parts of the world today, individuals, groups, organisations and even nations are taking advantage of the opportunities provided by social media and other media platforms to mobilize millions of people to support and advance their course. In the political sphere it has become a veritable tool for interacting and mobilising citizens towards active participation in the political process and democratic projects. This agrees with the submissions of Okoro and Dirim (2009) that it is through the media that people are able to participate freely in discussions relevant to public good.
Adelabu (2011) notes that the success of President Obama’s Presidential campaigns in 2008 and his eventual emergence as first black president of the United States was largely credited to his active use of Facebook to mobilise millions of volunteers, and voters. Politics has indeed greatly evolved in recent decade with the advent of the new technology. With this, information sharing has greatly improved, allowing citizens to discuss ideas, post news, ask questions and share links. With social media, politicians reach the masses with the aim of assessing the political atmosphere even before venturing into the campaign. Social media is perhaps the best tool to assess the popularity of a candidate especially by the young people and craft the best language to use as a campaign slogan. Social media also provides a politician with the opportunity to be informally free with the public. This free connection through social media helps politicians to communicate their humour, indicating their approachability and accessibility to the public.
Social media technologies take on different forms including magazines, internet forums, weblogs, social blogs, podcasts, pictures, and video. Considering that social media come in diverse forms, Kaplan and Haenlein (2010:5) tried to classify social media into six distinct categories:
i. Collaborative projects (for example Wikipedia)
ii. Blogs and Microblogs (for example Twitter)
iii. Content communities (for example YouTube)
iv. Social networking sites (for example Facebook)
v. Virtual game worlds (for example World of Warcraft)
vi. Virtual social worlds (for example Second Life)
Out of these six categories of social media tools, three categories (blogs and micro blogs, content communities, and social networking sites) are the ones that are most relevant to the application of social media in the electoral process. In the process of political communication, there has been strong intermediation between the traditional media and the three categories of social media mentioned above. Traditional media channels, particularly television and newspapers, try to expand their reach by using social media platforms for news broadcast. In Nigeria for example, many newspapers like Guardian, Vanguard, Daily Trust, and This Day as well as television stations like Channels, have Facebook and Twitter accounts.
With social media, politicians appeal to citizens; this makes them seem more personable and gives them advantage of keeping in constant contact with their supporters. Social media grants many people the chance to participate actively and get involved fully in the political discourse by adding their voices on issues posted on the social media sites. Thus, advancing the tenets of participatory democracy that sees media as a debate avenue and aids tremendously in actualizing public-sphere journalism. It affords electorates a friendlier avenue of assessing candidates for political offices and promoting transparency in governance.
Furthermore, in Nigeria, some political parties and politicians maintain a huge social media presence, engaging participants in conversations and disseminating information about their political affairs. The social media has come to stay as a ‘meeting point’ for political parties to engage citizens and influence their opinions.
2.3 Role of Social Media in Influencing Voter Behaviour
It is believed that social media plays a very valuable role throughout an election process which goes a long way in swaying voter’s opinions, beliefs and attitudes (Aindrila et al, 2014). The roles of social media during elections include
I. Sourcing and Sharing Information
New and existing voters go online to seek information, address queries and, most importantly, to form opinions. The same is widely influenced by the social media chatter, information provided by political parties, the ability to participate in a dialogue with the voters, and the overall sentiment prevalent around the leaders up for voting. The interactions online also become an enabler for the undecided voter population to make informed choices and decisions.
II. Powerful Platform to Educate and Inform on Current Issues
The elevated position of social media in Nigerian society and public life can also be seen from the changing nature of news websites which have informed Nigerian about the 2019 general election. Twitter and facebook was the major social media platform used during the election. The previous election of 2015 was largely influenced by social media which actually led to the surprised victory of APC presidential election due to the huge investment of APC by employing strong media influencer. According to Jamie et al.,(2015) Nigeria has witnessed an exponential growth in internet and social media use. From a modest 200,000 users in 2000, by 2015 around 30 per cent of the population is online, increasingly on smart phones. Although, this began before the 2011 general election but during the 2019 election this received a huge boost because as earlier said there was a widespread media attention for its role in informing, engaging and empowering citizens in Nigeria and across Africa.
III. Source of Positive Influence for Political Parties
Social media has served as a source of positive influence for political parties and aspirants. A practical examples was twitter which gave the APC a upper hand and influenced their voting pattern and behaviours to the fact that APC Buhari’s campaigns featured his use of the twitter app to campaign their political agenda by laying emphasize on the major issues confronting the then administration of Goodluck Johnathan in 2015 such as corruption, the Immigration employment saga, the Boko Haram insurgency and crisis in the Niger Delta. Even before the elections polls were conducted twitter already showed the winner of the election which led to the change of the 2015 seat of power and government to the opposition Party. This indicates that the social media gave a daily report regarding the analysis before the election based on happening situation across the country which Nigerians were posting on either facebook or twitter.
IV. voting pattern and behaviors to the fact that APC Buhari‟s campaigns, his use the twitter app
2.4 Social Media and 2019 General Elections
The 2019 Nigeria general election was the sixth general election to be conducted in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. It featured elections for the position of President and governorship elections in 29 of the 36 states of the Federation. Also, elections were held to determine members of the federal and state legislatures. Total number of registered voters for the elections was 84,004,084 (premiumtimesng.com, 2019) while the number of registered voters whose ages were between 18 and 35 was 42,938,458 or 51% (allafrica.com, 2019). However, only 28,614,190 or 34.75% of total number of registered voters came out to vote during the 29 presidential elections (pulse.ng, 2019). This represents the lowest turnout of voters in Nigeria’s election history (saharareporters.com, 2019). Prior to the elections, electoral observers described Nigerian youths as being key to the success of any political candidate at the elections as they represented 51% of the total number of registered voters, but on election day, there was a reported high rate of voter apathy evident in the turnout of registered voters.
The 2019 general election was that where the result of the presidential primary election gave birth to Atiku Abubakar, a Fulani Muslim as the flag bearer of the people’s Democratic Party (PDP) while president Buhari, another Fulani Muslim, both from northern Nigeria the incumbent emerged the APC flag bearer. Most Christians, especially in the south-east, south-south and middle belt voted Atiku Abubakar, considering his seemingly secular and cosmopolitan nature, while majority of the Muslims went for Buhari.
Three major issues underline the tremendous use of social media tools during the 2019 general elections of which firstly, it reflects a global trend towards “internet elections” or “e-electioneering”. Around the world, rapidly expanding access to the internet, increased availability of internet ready smart-phones and other communication devices, as well as the evolution of web-based new media – personal websites, social networking sites, blogs, enewsletters, have redefined methods of political communication, leading to a significant shift towards the use of social media in the electoral process. Previously, network television and newspapers dominated coverage of electioneering and were the primary sites of election-related information. But today, the social media has become a major election information sharing platform globally. Because of its ease of use, speed, and reach, social media is revolutionizing the efficiency of election administration, coverage and reporting.
The second issue that underlines the use of social media in Nigeria’s 2019 elections is the tendency of some Nigerian politicians to tap the opportunities offered by the social media for on-line campaigning. During the 2019 general elections, many politicians, particularly the presidential aspirants, used social media tools to connect with voters and constituents. Facebook and Twitter appear to be the most widely used social media platforms by the politicians. Presidential aspirants like Atiku Abubakar, Tony Moghalu, Oby Ezekwesili, Sola Sowore, among others all had Twitter and other social media accounts. Political parties also maintained Facebook accounts. Social media offered politicians and their parties the opportunity to broadcast messages and recruit a huge number of volunteers to support their campaign.
Thirdly, the issue that underscores the use of social media in Nigeria’s 2019 general elections is the tendency of the Nigerian civil society and the electorate to take up social media as a tool for improving the efficiency of election observation. Prior to the conduct of the 2019 elections, elections in Nigeria had been largely flawed by vote rigging and other electoral malpractices. The 2019 general elections offered a unique context and opportunity to examine the use of social media in elections, especially the usefulness and applicability of social media in the electoral environment. Although it seems obvious that social media contributed in no small measure to the success of the 2019 elections, it is pertinent to understand specifically how particular stakeholders in the 2019 elections, like INEC, politicians/political parties, the electorate, and Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) used the social media during the elections and the impacts these had on the elections.
2.5 Analysis of the level of Political Behaviour during the 2019 General Elections
The 2019 General Election is vital in Nigeria’s political history because it has a colossal political and socioeconomic impact on the future of the country. It is a constitutional right and exercise of the populace to determine who leads the biggest country in Africa for the sixth straight democratic peaceful handover through the electoral process which has not been obtainable prior to this Republic (Page & Tayo, 2018).This Election deepened democratic practice in Nigeria and kept the hope of continuous civilian rule in the country. Like other elections in the past, it was accompanied with imbroglios and political confusion in addition to tension and perceived violence and threats.
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) registered 93 political parties and 73 of them contested for the Presidency but the contest was a clear battle between the ruling APC of Muhammadu Buhari and the major opposition PDP of Atiku Abubakar as presented in the table below;
Table 3: Nigeria’s Presidential Election 2019 results of each party
|
Party |
Candidate |
Scores |
Percentage % |
|
A |
Isaac Ositelu |
19, 209 |
0.07% |
|
AA |
Abdulrashid Baba |
14, 380 |
0.05% |
|
AAC |
Omoyele Sowore |
33, 953 |
0.12% |
|
AAP |
Chike Ukaegbu |
8, 902 |
0.03% |
|
ABP |
Shipi Godia |
4, 523 |
0.02% |
|
ACD |
Nwokeafor Ikechukwu |
11, 325 |
0.04% |
|
ACPN |
Obiageli Ezekwesili |
7, 223 |
0.03% |
|
ADC |
Obadiah Mailafia |
97, 874 |
0.36% |
|
ADP |
Yusuf Yabaji |
54, 930 |
0.20% |
|
AGA |
Nwachukwu Nwabuiku |
4, 689 |
0.02% |
|
AGAP |
Umenwa Godwin |
3, 074 |
0.01% |
|
ANDP |
Yusufu Obaje |
3, 104 |
0.01% |
|
ANN |
Fela Durotoye |
16, 779 |
0.06% |
|
ANP |
Shittu Moshood |
3, 586 |
0.01% |
|
ANRP |
Tope Fasua |
4, 340 |
0.02% |
|
APA |
Aliyu Ibrahim |
36, 866 |
0.14% |
|
APC |
Muhammadu Buhari |
15, 191, 847 |
55.82% |
|
APDA |
Shittu Mohammed |
26, 558 |
0.09% |
|
APGA |
John Gbor |
66, 851 |
0.25% |
|
APM |
Mamman Yusuf |
26, 039 |
0.09% |
|
APP |
Obinna Ikeagwuonu |
3, 585 |
0.01% |
|
ASD |
John Dara |
2, 146 |
0.01% |
|
AUN |
Angela Johnson |
1, 092 |
0.00% |
|
BNPP |
David Eze-Iyamu |
1, 649 |
0.00% |
|
CAP |
Lewis Abah |
1, 111 |
0.00% |
|
CC |
Geff Ojinika Chizee |
2, 391 |
0.01% |
|
CNP |
Emmanuel Etim |
1, 874 |
0.00% |
|
DA |
Frank Ukonga |
2, 769 |
0.01% |
|
DPC |
Awosola Ulusola |
5, 242 |
0.02% |
|
DPP |
Felix Osakwe |
14, 483 |
0.05% |
|
FRESH |
Chris Okotie |
4, 554 |
0.02% |
|
FJP |
John Onwubiya |
4, 174 |
0.02% |
|
GDPN |
Davidson Akhimien |
41, 852 |
0.15% |
|
GPN |
Samuel Eke |
4, 924 |
0.02% |
|
HDP |
Albert Owuru |
1, 663 |
0.00% |
|
ID |
Nnamdi Madu |
1, 845 |
0.00% |
|
JMPP |
Sunday Chukwu-Eguzolugu |
1, 853 |
0.00% |
|
KP |
Adesina Fagbenro-Byron |
1, 911 |
0.00% |
|
LM |
Kris David |
1, 438 |
0.00% |
|
LP |
Usman Mohammed |
5, 074 |
0.02% |
|
MAJA |
Olufunmilayo Adesanya-Davies |
2, 651 |
0.01% |
|
MMN |
Isah Bashayi |
14, 540 |
0.05% |
|
MPN |
Hamisu Santuraki |
2, 752 |
0.01% |
|
NAC |
Rabia Hassan |
2, 279 |
0.01% |
|
NCMP |
Babatunde Ademola |
1, 378 |
0.00% |
|
NCP |
Yunusa Salisu |
3, 799 |
0.01% |
|
NDCP |
Johnson Edosomwan |
1, 192 |
0.00% |
|
NDLP |
Robinson Akpua |
1, 588 |
0.00% |
|
NEPP |
Paul Ishaka |
1, 524 |
0.00% |
|
NFD |
Asukwo Archibong |
4, 096 |
0.02% |
|
NIP |
Eunice Atuejide |
2, 248 |
0.01% |
|
NNPP |
Ike Keke |
6, 111 |
0.02% |
|
NPC |
Maimuna Maina |
10, 081 |
0.04% |
|
NPM |
Usman Ibrahim |
6, 229 |
0.02% |
|
NUP |
Moses Ajibiowu |
5, 323 |
0.02% |
|
PCP |
Felix Nicholas |
110, 196 |
0.40% |
|
PDP |
Atiku Abubakar |
11, 262, 978 |
41.39% |
|
PPA |
Peter Ameh |
21, 822 |
0.08% |
|
PPC |
Victor Okhai |
8, 979 |
0.03% |
|
PPN |
Hamza Al Mustapha |
4, 622 |
0.02% |
|
PT |
Gbenga Olawope-Hashim |
2, 613 |
0.01% |
|
RAP |
Israel Nonyerem Davidson |
2, 972 |
0.01% |
|
RBNP |
Chukwudi Osuala |
1, 792 |
0.00% |
|
RP |
Nseobong Nsehe |
2, 388 |
0.01% |
|
SDP |
Aligned with APC |
34, 746 |
0.13% |
|
SNC |
Thomas Da Silva |
28, 680 |
0.11% |
|
SNP |
Ahmad Buhari |
3, 941 |
0.01% |
|
UDP |
Ishiaka Balogun |
3, 170 |
0.01% |
|
UP |
Mark Emmanuel |
1, 561 |
0.00% |
|
UPN |
Ahmed Inuwa |
1, 631 |
0.00% |
|
WTPN |
Nwangwu Uchenna |
732 |
0.00% |
|
YES |
Ali Soyode |
2, 394 |
0.01% |
|
YPP |
Kingsley Moghalu |
21, 886 |
0.08% |
|
TOTAL |
|
27, 214, 380 |
100% |
Source: INEC wbssite 2019 (Computation into percentage was made by the Researcher using the score of each party divided by the total votes multiplied by 100).
From the Table above, the results indicated that more parties where involved in the 2019 elections as compared to the 2015 presidential elections and the APC candidate secured 55.82% of the total votes casted; the PDP scored 41.39% while other parties scored 2.79%. More so, results indicate that the 2019 Presidential Election recorded the lowest voter turnout in comparison with that of the 2011 and 2015. Where in 2011, a turnout of 56.4% was recorded and 46.8% voters’ in 2015 while in the 2019 Presidential Election, only 39.09% turnout was recorded, thereby conspicuously indicating voters’ reduction during elections conducted in the country. Some of the reasons for this low turnout are political apathy, postponement of the Election from 14th February 2019 to 23rd March 2019. (Sule, 2019).This election is seen as a shattered hope as there where so many choices and so difficult to choose. However, in the Governorship election, election was held in 29 states out of the 36 and the ruling APC won 15 while the main opposition PDP won 14. Apparently, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) now opposition thought as much to recover the seat of power but was met with a blow as the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC) maintained the seat of power both at the presidency and the governorship despite the claim that the election was rigged.
Political behaviour and party politics during the 2019 presidential elections witnessed another dimension, involving the two major contenders of the popular parties. The contenders; President Muhammadu Buhari of the APC and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar of the PDP emerged both from the North and both of them are from the Hausa/Fulani ethnic group and are also Muslims by religion. This was a tactics and strategy employed by the opposition party to take back and retain the seat of power. However, it was met with a waterloo as the voting pattern indicates a surprising result where the Hausa/Fulani Muslims voted massively for President Muhammadu Buhari while the Northern Christians and the Southsouth and Southeast voted for Atiku with the votes split between the two in the Southwest as indicated in the table below;
Table 4: 2019 Presidential election results in the Geo-political Zones
|
Geopolitical zones |
APC |
PDP |
Differences |
Winner |
|
Northeast |
3, 238, 783 |
1, 116, 873 |
2, 121, 910 |
APC |
|
Northcentral |
2, 313, 375 |
1, 763, 772 |
549, 603 |
APC |
|
Northwest |
5, 995, 651 |
2, 280, 465 |
3, 715, 186 |
APC |
|
Southeast |
403, 968 |
1, 693, 485 |
1, 289, 517 |
PDP |
|
Southsouth |
1, 051, 396 |
2, 233, 232 |
1, 181, 836 |
PDP |
|
Southwest |
2, 036, 450 |
1, 776, 670 |
259, 780 |
APC |
|
FCT Abuja |
152, 224 |
259, 997 |
110, 773 |
PDP |
|
Zones |
15, 191, 847 |
11, 262, 978 |
3, 928, 869 |
APC won |
Source: Analysed and computed by the Researcher
Party politics during the election from the table above is seen in the two leading contenders belonging to the two main political parties with the APC candidate winning in four of the six geo-political zones but with a narrow margin. The Southwest zone presented a surprise because it is seen as one of the strongholds of APC. The Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), and the political godfather in the region Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu spearheaded the alliance and formation of the APC to have access to corridors of power and possibly to have the power returned to the Southwest after the eight years of President Buhari.
However, despite the fact that the two major contenders are Muslims, a new scenario emerged in which the APC candidate was identified by religious clerics and other manipulators of religion as pure and moral while the PDP candidate was identified as corrupt and amoral. Furthermore, the main issue hinged on the allegations that the PDP candidate was corrupt and this allegation was supported by the elite class in the country while the APC candidate was portrayed as incorruptible despite the tactics overlooked of corrupt practices by his closest officials in his last four years in office.
Political behaviour in the 2019 general election was featured with low public trust. Here, the citizen’s trust in democratic institutions and processes has been on a downward trend since democratic transition in 1999. Surveys demonstrate rising public dissatisfaction in the Nigerian state due to bad governance, failure to deliver on promises and perceived partiality of state institutions, including those related to elections. This has accounted for growing political apathy and aversion to democratic principles by the citizens. The 2019 general elections experienced the worst voter apathy in the history of the country. In fact, President Muhammadu Buhari was re-elected by just 18% of registered voters, while only 35% registered voters voted in the election (Akinyemi, 2019).
2.6 Benefits and Consequences of Functional and Versatile Social Media
From the classification above, it can be deduced that the social media is a part of the whole body of activities consisting of Internet communication and online interactions (Suomen Toivo- Think Tank, 2012). As such, on the social media, several things are communicated; songs, videos, tweets, comic, blogs, stories and others. This information is most commonly communicated on blogs, Twitter, Wiki, Youtube and Facebook.
These social media have peculiar uses and many at times, the uses blend together. On many occasions, users operate Twitter and Facebook for example from Blackberry Messenger application (BBM) Android phones and with ease, users can upload videos from smartphones on to Youtube. The social media do not just operate as sites, but also as applications that are user-friendly and easily accessible. In fact, young children can access and use these applications via the home computers and on the phones of their parents.
According to Wasswa (2013) on the role of social media in the Kenyan 2013 election, social media can provide another avenue, where unscrupulous politicians and supporters can spread hate speech, propagate falsehood, and insidiously incite their members to violence. In another vein, social media play vital roles in exposing potentially violent comments, and action before they get out of control. Social media is very effective, because they have no speculated time for news or information; rather it is round the clock official and unofficial news channel. As a result, social media have the ability to serve two edged purposes to the electorates and eventually to the public during the electoral process. More people are switching to this new media for information as they spend more time in the virtual platform (Nielsen, 2012).
Collin et al, (2011), highlighted the benefits of the social media to include media literacy, education, creativity, individual identity and self expression, strengthening of interpersonal relationships, sense of belongingness, and collective identity, strengthening and building of communities, civic engagement and political participation and well being. Indeed, the social media fulfilled all these roles in the 2015 general elections.
2.7 Theoretical Framework
The study is anchored on Gratifications Theory. This theory is associated with the works of Katz, Blumler and Gurevitch (1974). It belongs to the limited or indirect effect theories of mass communication. The theory according to Anaeto, Onabanjo and Osifeso (2008) is concerned with what people do with media instead of what media do to people. The assumption is that people influence the effects media have on them. That is to say that uses of gratification theory takes a more humanistic approach to media use and effect. It assumes members of the audience are not passive but play active role in interpreting and integrating media into their own lives. The theory suggests that people use media to fulfill specific gratifications. Adeyanju and Haruna (2015) note that the main thrust of the theory is that audience members have certain needs which make them to be selectively exposed to, attend to, and retain media messages because of the perceived gratifications derivable from such messages.
Thus, this theory emphasizes the fact that people are important in the process of communication because they choose content, make meaning and act on that meaning (Akinwumi, 2011). Applying the uses and gratification theory to this study shows that, users of social media are intentional seekers of such messages. They are able to select and use the technology in ways that suit their purpose. Thus, they as the audience are active and not passive. Similarly, political candidates are also able to select and use media of choice and message content of their choice during electoral campaigns and other electioneering activities. As observed from the writings, the world is tilting towards dependence on the social media. Eventually, the dependence would become total. According to postmodernism, the total dependence on social media would destroy the information. According to Baudrillard, (1989) reality of information has 4 historical phases. The first phase is characterised by the transmission of profound reality. That is, reality as the original presentation. The second phase presents masked reality. This might come as a result of the gate keeping duties. The reality remains the same, but the presentation made more attractive and catchy. More like a packaging of social reality of information. The third phase is characterised by masked unreality. This is the dissemination of information that are not true behind a catchy title, while the last phase is characterised by total replacement of reality.
The role of the social media in the transmission and the circulation of information in the present day Nigeria is somewhere between the 2nd phase and the 3rd phase. The social media are always in a hurry to circulate information; as a result, we usually have conflicting information being transmitted. Sometimes, the information is filled with heresy or even untrue information. Many have access to Linda Ekeji’s blog, but one cannot say that all information presented there are true. What we experience is either masked reality or masked unreality. The prediction of the total replacement of reality might come eventually as social media no longer take cognizance of the gate-keeping of information and with the society tending towards the dependence on social media, social reality of information would surely be replaced.
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
3.1 Research Design
The survey research design is adopted for this study. Surveys allow for the study of people’s opinion on a given issue of public interest. The choice of this research design was informed by the nature of the research problems and the objectives of the study as outlined in chapter one. The purpose is usually to describe systematically the facts, qualities or characteristics of a given population, events, or areas of interest concerning the problem under investigation. Survey refers to a process of eliciting data from a target population through either the questionnaire or interview instruments, or subjecting such data to statistical analysis for the purpose of drawing conclusion.
3.2 Population of the Study
This Population of the study focused on Akwa Ibom youths. The choice of youths as the focus population is because they constitute the active users of the various social media platforms. The Nigeria National Youth Policy (2001) defines youths as “all young person’s between the ages of 18 and 35 years who are citizens of the Federal Republic of Nigeria”. (This study adopted this as our working definition).
The total number of youths in Nigeria as at the 2006 National Housing and Population Census was 46,667,847. Akwa Ibom State has 3 senatorial districts consisting of Uyo, Ikot Ekpene and Eket senatorial districts. In this study, two local governments from each of the zones were selected and focused on the youth population. This is because to use social media, one requires a certain degree of literacy, and majority of the youths in the capital cities can boast of this. Again, social media is heavily dependent on electricity, and the capital cities have electricity, though epileptic.
|
S/N |
Senatorial Districts |
Local Govt. |
Youth Population of the State Capital |
|
1 |
Uyo |
Uyo |
1,042,631 |
|
|
|
Ibesikpo |
461,244 |
|
2 |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
156,133 |
|
Ikot Ekpene |
1,001,503 |
||
|
3 |
Eket |
Eket |
576,156 |
|
Oron |
3,599,589 |
Source: Population Census, (2006)
3.3 Sample Size and Sampling Techniques
From the population of 9,860 respondents in Uyo L. G. A., Taro Yamani statistical formula was adopted to derive the sample size for this research work. This formula is thus:
n = N
1+ N (e)2
Where:
n = Sample size
N = Population
e = level of precision
l = constant
Thus:
n = 9860
1 + 9860 (0.05)2
n = 9860
25.65
n = 384.41
n = 384
Therefore analysis of data was based on the response of the 384 respondents.
3.4 Sources of Data Collection
The data used in this research was derived from both primary and secondary sources. The primary data was collected through the use of questionnaire while the Secondary source was sourced from published articles, text books, newspapers, journals, documentaries and internet. In order to achieve the research objective, the study largely relied on primary data that was expressly collected for the purpose of this investigation only. All the facts and figures that were collected were a representative sample of the populations of the banks archives.
3.5 Instrument for Data Collection
The questionnaire was used as an instrument for data collection. The questionnaire was in two parts comprising of 29 questions. The first part (questions 1-8) was on the demographic variables of the respondents, while the second part contained 22 questions which was directly on respondents’ exposition to the issue of study and tends to answer the research questions that was posed in chapter one.
3.6 Validity and Reliability of the Instrument
Validity refers to the extent to which a measuring instrument measures what it is supposed to measure. The instrument of data collection was scrutinized by the supervisor who confirmed its validity. Also, reliability is the extent to which a measuring instrument yields consistent result after series of measurement. The reliability of the instrument of data collection was ascertained in the pre-test and test processes; where the degree of consistency was quite dependable and thus, justifying the reliability of the study instrument.
3.7 Method of Data Collection
The study used the questionnaire as the main data collection as the main data collection instrument, only complemented by in-depth interview. The questionnaire and interview schedule were written in English language. Also, the questionnaire contained structured questions. Section A of the questionnaire examined the background characteristics of the respondents while Section B examined the respondents’ attitude to the problem of study.
3.8 Method of Data Analysis
In the presentation, analysis and interpretation of data, this study employed a simple statistical technique to analyze the data sourced from the administration of questionnaire, key informant interviews and documentary sources. The responses for each relevant question in the questionnaire are represented in tables and the statistical results used to compare relative importance to various answers.
The chi-square (X2) test is utilized for the analysis of data generated from the questionnaire which is used to investigate if there is any discrepancy between two frequencies (observed and expected) of a given event. Chi-square can also be used to show whether two sample characteristics are independent.
Below is the formula for the use of chi-square
X2 = (fo — fe)2
Fe
Where
Fo = Observed frequencies
Fe = Expected frequencies
= summation of the ration over all categories
fo — fe = The difference between the observed frequencies and the expected frequencies
(fo — fe)2 = The square of fo — fe above
X2 = The calculated value of the sum of all squared average difference.
3.9 Decision Rule
The result will be accepted if the calculated value is either equal to or greater than the critical value. On the other hand, the result will be rejected if the calculated value is less than the critical value.
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.1 Data Presentation
This section is devoted to presentation of data obtained from the field.
Table 1: Sex Distribution of Respondents.
Table 5: Marital Status of Respondents
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
Male |
212(55%) |
206(54%) |
198(52%) |
201(52%) |
195 (51%) |
198(63%) |
|
2 |
Female |
172(45%) |
178(46%) |
186(48%) |
183(48%) |
189 (49%) |
186(37%) |
|
|
Total |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
Source: Field Survey, 2021
Table 1 above shows that in all the state capitals studied, male respondents out-numbered their female counterpart. The average percentage of the male in the six local governments was 53.6%, the female were 47.4%.
Table 2: Age Categories of Respondents
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
18-23 |
109(29%) |
111(30%) |
117(61%) |
100(26%) |
133 (35%) |
107(28%) |
|
2 |
24-29 |
173(45%) |
175(45%) |
126(39%) |
197(32%) |
155(40%) |
179(47%) |
|
3 |
30-35 |
102(26%) |
98(25%) |
101(26%) |
87(23%) |
96(25%) |
98(25%) |
|
|
Total |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
Source: Field Survey, 2021
Table 2 shows that respondents between the age bracket of 24-29 dominated the study in the various cities. Their average percentage was 44%. Those between ages 18-23 amounted to an average of 30%, while those between 30-35 constituted an average 25%.
Table 3: Educational Qualifications of Respondents
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
FSLC |
103(27%) |
95(25%) |
63(16%) |
75(20%) |
81(23%) |
67(17%) |
|
2 |
WASCE |
219(57%) |
209(54%) |
222(58%) |
217(56%) |
212(55%) |
231(60%) |
|
3 |
HND/BSc. |
42(11%) |
61(16%) |
75(20%) |
77(20%) |
74(19%) |
67(17%) |
|
4 |
MSc. |
8(2%) |
11(3%) |
17(4%) |
10(3%) |
9 (2%) |
12(3%) |
|
5 |
Ph.D |
0(0%) |
1(0.3%) |
3(0.8%) |
2(0.4%) |
3(0.8%) |
4 (1.2%) |
|
6 |
No Response |
12(3%) |
7(1.7%) |
4(1.2%) |
3(0.8%) |
5(1.2%) |
3(0.8%) |
|
|
Total |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
Source: Field Survey, 2021
The average percentages of our respondents’ educational qualifications in the six cities are shown in table 3 above. They are as follows: FSLC 21%, WASCE or its equivalent 57%, HND/BSc. or it equivalent 17%, MSc. Or its equivalent 3%, Ph.D 0.7% and 1/3% declined comments.
Table 4: Occupation of Respondents
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
Student |
264 (69%) |
281(73%) |
258(67%) |
260(68%) |
279(73%) |
256(67%) |
|
2 |
Civil Servant |
46(12%) |
45(12%) |
32(8%) |
48(13%) |
55(17%) |
48(13%) |
|
3 |
Business person |
35(9%) |
38(10%) |
49(13%) |
34(9%) |
20 (5%) |
38(9%) |
|
4 |
Others |
39(10%) |
19(5%) |
45(12%) |
42 (11%) |
20 (5%) |
42(11%) |
|
|
Total |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
Source: Field Survey, 2021
Table 4 shows that an average of 69% of our respondents in the various cities of the were students, 13% were civil servants, 10% were business persons while 8% said they engage in other activities different from those mentioned.
Table 5: Marital Status of Respondents
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
Single |
159(31%) |
190(49%) |
199(61%) |
228(78%) |
210 (65%) |
204(63%) |
|
2 |
Married |
225(69%) |
194(51%) |
179(39%) |
157(32%) |
170(35%) |
178(37%) |
|
|
Total |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
Source: Field Survey, 2021
Tables 5 shows that while the number of unmarried youths outnumbers their married counterpart in the Eket senatorial district, the Uyo and Ikot Ekpene have more number of married youths than the single. However, the average figures were 52% married and 58% unmarried.
Table 6: Ascertaining whether respondents know what social media are
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
I do |
221(58%) |
240(62%) |
355 (93%) |
377(98%) |
351 (92%) |
350(92%) |
|
2 |
I don’t |
152(39%) |
135(36%) |
25(39%) |
5(1.3%) |
28(7.7%) |
30(8.3%) |
|
3 |
No comment |
11(3%) |
9(2%) |
3(0.8%) |
2(0.7%) |
1(0.3%) |
2(0.7) |
|
|
Total |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
Source: Field Survey, 2021
Table 6 shows that an average of 83% of our respondents in the various states studied know what social media are while 16% do not know and 1% did not respond to the question.
Table 7: Ascertaining whether respondents had account with any of the social media platform during the 2015 general elections.
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
Yes |
201(52%) |
220(58%) |
335(87%) |
357(93%) |
331 (87%) |
330(86%) |
|
2 |
No |
183(44%) |
194(51%) |
48(12.2%) |
27(6.3%) |
49(12.7%) |
52(13%) |
|
|
Total |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
Source: Field Survey, 2021
Table 7 shows that during the 2015 general elections, an average of 77% of our respondents in the towns and states studied had accounts with one social media platform or the other while an average of 23% did not have.
Table 8: Ascertaining whether respondents used social media for political participation during the 2019 general election.
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
I did |
198 (52%) |
211(58%) |
330(87%) |
355(93%) |
329(85%) |
320(86%) |
|
2 |
I didn’t |
174(44%) |
165(40%) |
50(12.2%) |
23(6.3%) |
51(15%) |
70(13%) |
|
3 |
No comment |
12(3%) |
8(2%) |
4(1%) |
1(0.5%) |
0(0%) |
2(0.7%) |
|
|
Total |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
Source: Field Survey, 2021
Our statistics as presented in table 8 above shows that an average of 76% of all respondents from the towns studied used social media for political participation during 2015 general elections while 22% did not. Also, 1.4% of the respondents declined response to this question.
Table 9: List of Social media platforms respondents used
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
||||||
|
1 |
SMS/calls |
219 (57%) |
209(54%) |
222(58%) |
217(56%) |
212(55%) |
231(60%) |
||||||
|
2 |
|
103(27%) |
120(31%) |
126(32%) |
124(31.5%) |
129(33%) |
128(17%) |
||||||
|
3 |
|
22(6%) |
41(8%) |
75(20%) |
77(20%) |
74(19%) |
17(6%) |
||||||
|
4 |
Youtube |
8(2%) |
11(3%) |
17(4%) |
10(3%) |
9(2%) |
12(3%) |
||||||
|
5 |
|
20(5%) |
21(5.3%) |
3(0.8%) |
2(0.4%) |
3(0.8%) |
4(1.2%) |
||||||
|
6 |
Others |
12(3%) |
7(1.7%) |
4(1.2%) |
3(0.8%) |
5(1.2%) |
3(0.8%) |
||||||
|
|
Total |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
||||||
Source: Field Survey, 2021
Table 10: The role of Social media during the 2019 general election
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
Social media offered opportunities for more fully engagement in the political process. |
219 (57%) |
209(54%) |
222(58%) |
217(56%) |
212(55%) |
231(60%) |
|
2 |
Social media was used to make vital input in the 2019 general election |
103(27%) |
120(31%) |
126(32%) |
124(31.5%) |
129(33%) |
128(17%) |
|
3 |
The Social media is flexible, accessible and affordable |
22(6%) |
41(8%) |
75(20%) |
77(20%) |
74(19%) |
17(6%) |
|
4 |
Information like election results were gotten through social media |
8(2%) |
11(3%) |
17(4%) |
10(3%) |
9(2%) |
12(3%) |
|
5 |
Social media is less expensive than the outrageous political advertisements on the older media |
20(5%) |
21(5.3%) |
3(0.8%) |
2(0.4%) |
3(0.8%) |
4(1.2%) |
|
6 |
They are portable due to the mobile nature; they are interactive and open to all |
12(3%) |
7(1.7%) |
4(1.2%) |
3(0.8%) |
5(1.2%) |
3(0.8%) |
|
|
Total |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
Source: Field Survey, 2021
Table 9 indicates that GSM-SMS/calls were the most used during the period under review. It was followed by Facebook, Twitter, You-Tube, Instagram and others.
Table 10 shows that some of the roles our respondents observed in the use of social media during the 2019 general elections in the various towns and states studied. The data indicates that an average of 15% believe social media offered opportunities for more fully engagement in the political process, 16% responded that social media was used to make vital input in the 2019 general election and 17% believe it was flexible, accessible and affordable. Also, 24% responded that information like election results were gotten through social media, 27% said that social media while 1.3% agreed that it is portable due to the mobile nature; they are interactive and open to all.
Table 11: Some lapses observed in the use of social media during the 2019 general elections
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
Used to attack opponents |
68(17.6%) |
67(17.7%) |
59(15.5%) |
61(16.1%) |
73(19%) |
102(26.6%) |
|
2 |
Used to spread false rumours |
103(27%) |
120(31%) |
126(32%) |
124(31.5%) |
129(33%) |
128(17%) |
|
3 |
Used to spread hate speech & inciting messages |
22(6%) |
41(8%) |
75(20%) |
77(20%) |
74(19%) |
17(6%) |
|
4 |
Used to manipulate images, messages and videos |
8(2%) |
11(3%) |
17(4%) |
10(3%) |
9(2%) |
12(3%) |
|
5 |
No Response |
3(0.8%) |
5(1.3%) |
8(2.1%) |
3(0.8%) |
7(1.8%) |
3(0.8%) |
|
|
Total |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
Source: Field Survey, 2021
Table11 shows some lapses our respondents observed in the use of social media during the 2019 general elections in various towns and states studied. The data indicates that an average of 20.1% believe social media were used to attack opponents during the 2019 electioneering, 30.1% said the technology was used to spread false numerous and 34.4% believe they were used to spread hate speech and inciting messages. Also, 13.8% said the platforms were used to manipulate images, messages and videos while 1.6% did not answer the question.
Table 12: Lessons from social media use during the 2019 general elections
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
Offer participatory democracy |
219 (57%) |
209(54%) |
222(58%) |
217(56%) |
212(55%) |
231(60%) |
|
2 |
Promote transparency in the process |
103(27%) |
120(31%) |
126(32%) |
124(31.5%) |
129(33%) |
128(17%) |
|
3 |
Facilitates speedy release of election results |
22(6%) |
41(8%) |
75(20%) |
77(20%) |
74(19%) |
17(6%) |
|
4 |
There is need for regulation of the platform |
8(2%) |
11(3%) |
17(4%) |
10(3%) |
9(2%) |
12(3%) |
|
5 |
There is need for public enlightenment on the platforms |
20(5%) |
21(5.3%) |
3(0.8%) |
2(0.4%) |
3(0.8%) |
4(1.2%) |
|
6 |
Others |
12(3%) |
7(1.7%) |
4(1.2%) |
3(0.8%) |
5(1.2%) |
3(0.8%) |
|
|
Total |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
384(100%) |
Source: Field Survey, 2017
Table 12 shows that an average of 15.1% of our respondents from the towns studied believe that social media offer participatory democracy at its best. 16% said the technology promotes transparency and greater accuracy in the political process, 17.4% said facilitate speedy release of election results while 24.4% believe there is need for some sort of regulation of social media platforms and 27% said there is need for public enlightenment on how to make the best use of social media platforms especially in electioneering process in the zone.
4.2 Test of Hypotheses
In testing the hypotheses, six (6) variables were given and grouped into (1 -6). From the data, the observed frequencies (fo) were the number of responses from the variables while the expected frequencies (fe) were calculated by dividing the total number or responses by the variables.
Total number of respondents = 384
Variables (number in the series) were= 6
Therefore, the expected frequency fe = 3 84/6 64
Hypothesis One
There is a significant relationship between social media and political participation during the 2019 general election in Nigeria.
Table 13: Cross tabulation of responses to questions from Hypothesis 1
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
Social media offered opportunities for more fully engagement in the political process. |
219 |
209 |
222 |
217 |
212 |
231 |
|
2 |
Social media was used to make vital input in the 2019 general election |
103 |
120 |
126 |
124 |
129 |
128 |
|
3 |
The Social media is flexible, accessible and affordable |
22 |
41 |
75 |
77 |
74 |
17 |
|
4 |
Information like election results were gotten through social media |
8 |
11 |
17 |
10 |
9 |
12 |
|
5 |
Social media is less expensive than the outrageous political advertisements on the older media |
20 |
21 |
3 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
|
6 |
They are portable due to the mobile nature; they are interactive and open to all |
12 |
7 |
4 |
3 |
5 |
3 |
|
|
Total |
384 |
384 |
384 |
384 |
384 |
384 |
This (fe) was constant and the researcher used it for (fe) in all the hypotheses tested. The researcher also used 0.05, as the level or significance and the degree of freedom (df) was given as 6 — 1= 5 and 5-1 4 (5x4) = 20 degree or freedom.
Table 14: Calculation of X2 Test of Hypothesis 1 Using Chi-square
|
FO |
FE |
FO-FE |
(FO-FE)2 |
(FO-FE)2 FE |
|
219 |
64 |
155 |
24025 |
375.4 |
|
103 |
64 |
39 |
1521 |
23.8 |
|
22 |
64 |
-42 |
-1764 |
-27.6 |
|
8 |
64 |
-56 |
-3136 |
-49 |
|
20 |
64 |
-44 |
-1936 |
-30.25 |
|
12 |
64 |
-52 |
-2704 |
-42.25 |
|
209 |
64 |
145 |
21025 |
328.5 |
|
120 |
64 |
56 |
3136 |
49 |
|
41 |
64 |
-23 |
-441 |
6.9 |
|
11 |
64 |
-53 |
-2809 |
43.89 |
|
21 |
64 |
-43 |
-1849 |
28.89 |
|
7 |
64 |
-57 |
-3249 |
50.77 |
|
222 |
64 |
158 |
24964 |
390.06 |
|
126 |
64 |
62 |
3844 |
60.06 |
|
75 |
64 |
11 |
121 |
1.89 |
|
17 |
64 |
-47 |
-2209 |
34.52 |
|
3 |
64 |
-61 |
-3721 |
58.14 |
|
4 |
64 |
-60 |
-3600 |
56.25 |
|
217 |
64 |
153 |
23409 |
365.77 |
|
124 |
64 |
60 |
3600 |
56.25 |
|
77 |
64 |
13 |
169 |
2.64 |
|
10 |
64 |
-54 |
-2916 |
45.56 |
|
2 |
64 |
-62 |
-3844 |
60.06 |
|
3 |
64 |
-61 |
-3721 |
58.14 |
|
212 |
64 |
148 |
21904 |
342.25 |
|
129 |
64 |
65 |
4225 |
66.02 |
|
74 |
64 |
10 |
100 |
1.56 |
|
9 |
64 |
-55 |
-3025 |
47.27 |
|
3 |
64 |
-61 |
-3721 |
58.14 |
|
5 |
64 |
-59 |
-3481 |
54.39 |
|
231 |
64 |
167 |
27889 |
435.77 |
|
128 |
64 |
64 |
4096 |
64 |
|
17 |
64 |
-47 |
-2209 |
34.52 |
|
12 |
64 |
-52 |
-2704 |
42.25 |
|
4 |
64 |
-60 |
-3600 |
58.14 |
|
3 |
64 |
-61 |
-3721 |
|
|
2304 |
|
|
|
1,064.45 |
From the chi-square distribution table, we have the degree of freedom at 20. Thus 20 under 0.05= 960.026. the result showed that social media played a significant role in 2019 general election in Nigeria because the calculated X2 tabulated value (960.026). We therefore reject the null hypothesis which states there is no significant relationship between social media and political participation during the 2019 general election in Akwa Ibom State and accept the alternative.
Hypothesis two
There is a significant relationship between the use of social media and election malpractice during the 2019 general election in Akwa Ibom State.
Table 15: Cross Tabulation of responses to questions from hypothesis 2
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
|
1 |
Used to attacked opponent |
68 |
67 |
59 |
61 |
73 |
102 |
|
|
2 |
Used to spread false rumours |
124 |
123 |
111 |
119 |
132 |
113 |
|
|
3 |
Used to spread hate speech & inciting messages |
135 |
134 |
129 |
116 |
133 |
121 |
|
|
4 |
Used to manipulate images, messages and videos |
53 |
52 |
74 |
81 |
42 |
44 |
|
|
5 |
No response |
3 |
5 |
8 |
3 |
7 |
3 |
|
|
|
Total |
384 |
384 |
384 |
384 |
384 |
384 |
|
Table 16: Calculation of X2 Test of Hypothesis 2 using Chi-square
|
FO |
FE |
FO-FE |
(FO-FE)2 |
(FO-FE)2 FE |
|
68 |
64 |
4 |
16 |
0.25 |
|
67 |
64 |
3 |
9 |
0.14 |
|
59 |
64 |
-5 |
25 |
0.39 |
|
61 |
64 |
-3 |
9 |
0.14 |
|
73 |
64 |
9 |
81 |
1.27 |
|
102 |
64 |
42 |
1,764 |
27.56 |
|
124 |
64 |
60 |
3,600 |
56.25 |
|
123 |
64 |
59 |
3,481 |
54.39 |
|
111 |
64 |
47 |
2,209 |
34.52 |
|
132 |
64 |
55 |
3,025 |
47.27 |
|
113 |
64 |
68 |
4,624 |
72.25 |
|
135 |
64 |
49 |
2,401 |
37.52 |
|
134 |
64 |
71 |
5.041 |
78.77 |
|
129 |
64 |
70 |
4,900 |
76.56 |
|
116 |
64 |
65 |
4,225 |
66.02 |
|
133 |
64 |
52 |
2,704 |
42.25 |
|
121 |
64 |
69 |
4,761 |
74.39 |
|
53 |
64 |
57 |
3,249 |
50.771.89 |
|
52 |
64 |
-11 |
121 |
2.25 |
|
74 |
64 |
-12 |
144 |
1.56 |
|
81 |
64 |
10 |
100 |
4.52 |
|
42 |
64 |
17 |
289 |
7.56 |
|
44 |
64 |
-22 |
484 |
6.25 |
|
3 |
64 |
-20 |
400 |
58.14 |
|
5 |
64 |
-61 |
3,721 |
54.39 |
|
8 |
64 |
-59 |
3,481 |
49 |
|
3 |
64 |
-56 |
3,136 |
58.14 |
|
7 |
64 |
-61 |
3,721 |
50.77 |
|
3 |
64 |
-57 |
3,249 |
58.14 |
|
2295 |
|
-61 |
3,721 |
1,073.32 |
From the chi-square distribution table, we have the degree of freedom at 20. Thus 20 under 0.05 960.026. The result showed that social media play a significant role in 2019 general election in Nigeria because the calculated X2 tabulated value (1,073.32) is greater than the X2 tabulated value (960.026). we therefore reject the null hypothesis which states that there is no significant relationship between the use of social media and election malpractice during the 2019 general election in Akwa Ibom State and accept the alternative hypothesis that states that there is a significant relationship between the use of social media and election malpractice during 2019 general election in Akwa Ibom State.
HYPOTHESIS THREE
The higher the use of social media, the lower the risk of falsification of election results.
Table 17:Cross tabulation of responses to questions from Hypothesis 3
|
S/N |
Variables |
Uyo |
Ibesikpo Asutan |
Ikot Ekpene |
Essien Udim |
Oron |
Eket |
|
1 |
Offer participatory democracy |
219 |
209 |
222 |
217 |
212 |
231 |
|
2 |
Promote transparency in the process |
103 |
120 |
126 |
124 |
129 |
128 |
|
3 |
Facilitates speedy release of election results |
22 |
41 |
75 |
77 |
74 |
17 |
|
4 |
There is need for regulation of the platform |
8 |
11 |
17 |
10 |
9 |
12 |
|
5 |
There is need for public enlightenment on the platforms |
20 |
21 |
3 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
|
6 |
Others |
12 |
7 |
4 |
3 |
5 |
3 |
|
|
Total |
384 |
384 |
384 |
384 |
384 |
384 |
Table 18: Calculation of X2 Test of Hypothesis 3 using Chi-square
|
FO |
FE |
FO-FE |
(FO-FE)2 |
(FO-FE)2 FE |
|
219 |
64 |
155 |
24025 |
375.4 |
|
103 |
64 |
39 |
1521 |
23.8 |
|
22 |
64 |
-42 |
-1764 |
-27.6 |
|
8 |
64 |
-56 |
-3136 |
-49 |
|
20 |
64 |
-44 |
-1936 |
-30.25 |
|
12 |
64 |
-52 |
-2704 |
-42.25 |
|
209 |
64 |
145 |
21025 |
328.5 |
|
120 |
64 |
56 |
3136 |
49 |
|
41 |
64 |
-23 |
-441 |
6.9 |
|
11 |
64 |
-53 |
-2809 |
43.89 |
|
21 |
64 |
-43 |
-1849 |
28.89 |
|
7 |
64 |
-57 |
-3249 |
50.77 |
|
222 |
64 |
158 |
24964 |
390.06 |
|
126 |
64 |
62 |
3844 |
60.06 |
|
75 |
64 |
11 |
121 |
1.89 |
|
17 |
64 |
-47 |
-2209 |
34.52 |
|
3 |
64 |
-61 |
-3721 |
58.14 |
|
4 |
64 |
-60 |
-3600 |
56.25 |
|
217 |
64 |
153 |
23409 |
365.77 |
|
124 |
64 |
60 |
3600 |
56.25 |
|
77 |
64 |
13 |
169 |
2.64 |
|
10 |
64 |
-54 |
-2916 |
45.56 |
|
2 |
64 |
-62 |
-3844 |
60.06 |
|
3 |
64 |
-61 |
-3721 |
58.14 |
|
212 |
64 |
148 |
21904 |
342.25 |
|
129 |
64 |
65 |
4225 |
66.02 |
|
74 |
64 |
10 |
100 |
1.56 |
|
9 |
64 |
-55 |
-3025 |
47.27 |
|
3 |
64 |
-61 |
-3721 |
58.14 |
|
5 |
64 |
-59 |
-3481 |
54.39 |
|
231 |
64 |
167 |
27889 |
435.77 |
|
128 |
64 |
64 |
4096 |
64 |
|
17 |
64 |
-47 |
-2209 |
34.52 |
|
12 |
64 |
-52 |
-2704 |
42.25 |
|
4 |
64 |
-60 |
-3600 |
58.14 |
|
3 |
64 |
-61 |
-3721 |
1,064.45 |
|
2304 |
|
|
|
|
From the chi-square distribution table, we have the degree of freedom at 20. Thus 20 under 0.05 960.026. The result showed that the higher the use of social media, the lower the risk of falsification of election results. This is because the calculated X2 value (1,064.45) is greater than the critical X2 tabulated value (960.026). We therefore accept the alternative hypothesis that states that the higher the use of social media, the lower the risk of falsification of election results.
4.3 Discussion of Findings
The result of the data analysis in table 14 was significant due to the fact that the calculated value 1,064.45 was greater than the critical table value of 960.026 at 0.05 level with 20 degree of freedom. The result implies that social media play a significant role in 2019 general election in Akwa Ibom State. The result therefore was in agreement with the research findings of Collin (2011) who highlighted the benefits of the social media to include media literacy, education, creativity, individual identity and self expression, strengthening of interpersonal relationships, sense of belongingness, and collective identity, strengthening and building of communities, civic engagement and political participation and well being. Indeed, the social media fulfilled all these roles in the 2019 general elections.
The result of the data analysis in table 16 was significant due to the fact that the calculated value 1,073 was greater than the critical table value of 960.026 at 0.05 level with 20 degree of freedom. The result showed that the alternative hypothesis which states that there is a significant relationship between the use of social media and election malpractice during the 2019 general election in Akwa Ibom State was accepted. The result therefore was in agreement with the research findings of Wasswa (2013) on the role of social media in the Kenyan 2013 election, social media can provide another avenue, where unscrupulous politicians and supporters can spread hate speech, propagate falsehood, and insidiously incite their members to violence.
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Summary
This research has helped in the understanding social media and voting behaviour in Nigeria: An analysis of the 2019 general elections in Akwa Ibom State. Its main objective was to assess the use of social media for political participation during the 2019 general elections. Other objectives of this study were to discover the lapses in the use of social media for political participation during the 2019 general elections, and to identify the lessons from social media use for political participation.
The adoption of Uses and Gratification theory helped us to carryout analytical discussion that explained in-depth variables in the study. The theory guided us to provide the necessary focus or frame leading to empirical findings.
The result of the findings indicated that social media played significant role in the 2019 general elections in Akwa Ibom State which rejected the null hypothesis and accepted the alternative hypotheses initially provided in chapter one of this research study.
5.2 Conclusion
This study has shown that social media was used for political participation in Nigeria during the 2019 general elections. Findings however showed that, many used the technology wisely and positively while others used same negatively. Social media was used by both politicians and voters to campaign for their various candidates; interact with candidates and electorates one-on-one, report happenings in their areas and polling centres during the elections and electioneering period, share personal views and gauge public opinions on the various candidates. Others used them to attack opponents, spread false rumours, hate Speech and inciting messages, digitally manipulate images, messages and videos, hack into people’s accounts to commit all manner of fraud and launch spam and virus attacks on opponents’ information, and make users fall prey to online scams that seemed genuine, resulting in several data and identity thefts.
The study however shows that vital lessons could be learnt from the social media use experiment during the 2019 general elections in Nigeria. Among them: Social media offer participatory democracy at its best, the technology promotes transparency and greater accuracy in the political process, and they facilitate speedy release of election results, among others.
5.3 Recommendations
From the findings, we recommend the following:
1. Periodic public enlightenment on the use of social media platforms for political purpose especially among the youths. The government should be at the vanguard of this campaign, using agencies like the ministries of information at both state and federal levels, the National Orientation Agency, the mass media, among others.
2. Politicians and political parties, as well as their supporters should be cautioned on using social media to post and tweet dysfunctional messages. Government or INEC should enact laws that make such acts punishable offence.
3. Efforts should be made towards monitoring, moderating or regulating the various social media platforms in order to minimize the observed weaknesses and maximize the intrinsic values of the technology in the electoral process.
4. To achieve the above, it is imperative that the various media laws are urgently reviewed to address the technicalities involved in the new media technologies; this we believe would go a long way in making the technology more useful in the electoral process and more beneficial to the society at large.
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APPENDIX A
QUESTIONNAIRE
LETTER OF INTRODUCTION
Department of Political Science
Public Administration
University of Uyo, Uyo.
January 21, 2021.
Dear Respondent
REQUEST TO COMPLETE RESEARCH QUESTIONNAIRE
I am a Part-Time final year student of political science and public administration in the University of Uyo. As part of my academic study I am carrying out a research on the topic "Social Media and Voting Behaviour in Nigeria: An Analysis of the 2019 General Elections ".
In view of the above, may I please request that you help me fill the attached questionnaire? The questionnaire is needed to produce the information required for the study. Please note that your information will be treated with all confidentiality and will be used purely for the research.
Thank you.
Yours faithfully,
Ben, Mary Sunday
Researcher
APPENDIX II
SECTION A
Instruction: Please tick (√) in the space which is the appropriate box as it applies to you.
1. Gender: Male Female
2. 18-23 24-29 years 30-35 years
3. Marital Status: Married Single
4. Occupation: Student Civil Servant Business Person Others
5. Educational Qualification: WASC/GCE/SSCE BE/B.Sc M.A/M.Sc Ph.D OND/HND
6. Which geo-political zone do you belong?
North East North West North Central South West
South South South East
7. I used social media for political participation during the 2019 general election
I did I didn’t No Comment
8. Which of the social media platform did you use in your zone during the 2019 general election?
SMS/Calls Facebook Twitter Youtube
Instagram Others
SECTION B
Instruction: Please note the following denotations to the questions below:
Strongly Agreed - SA
Agreed - A
Disagreed - D
Strongly disagreed - SD
Please respond by ticking the most acceptable option.
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Research Questions |
SA |
A |
D |
SD |
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Political Participation was mostly done through the use of social media in the 2015 general election |
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Social Media offered opportunities for more fully engagement in the political process |
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Social Media played positive role in the 2019 General Election |
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The Social Media is flexible, assessable and affordable |
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Information like election results were gotten through social media |
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Social Media is less expensive than the outrageous political advertisements on the older media |
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Social Media is portable due to the mobile nature; they are interactive and open to all |
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Social Media was used to make vital input in the 2019 General Election |
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The use of Social Media platform during the 2019 General Election increased than that of previous years |
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The use of Social Media reduced movement during the election |
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Politicians actively utilized Social Media in their campaigns |
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Social Media influenced Electoral Malpractice |
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Social Media was used to spread false election results that differ from what INEC actually announced |
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Facebook pages were loaded with false rumours, gossips and doctored messages that created tensions |
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Supporters and Political members used Social Media platforms to make use of abusive languages |
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Attacks and Counter attacks were conspicuous among members and supporters of various Political Parties |
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Social Media was used to spread and manipulate images, messages and videos |
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Social Media was used to offer participatory democracy |
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Social Media promoted transparency during the 2019 General Election process |
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Social Media facilitated in the speedy release of election results |
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There is need for regulation of the Social Media platforms |
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There is need for public enlightenment on the use of the platforms |
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